The London Journal

Volume 24 No.2 1999

ABSTRACTS

FRANCIS BREMER, William Winthrop and Religious Reform in London 1529-1582 (pp. 1-17)

William Winthrop (1529-1582) was a member of the Clothworkers Company and long time resident of the parish of St Michael's Cornhill. He was a committed Protestant who remained in London during the marian reign, being active in the underground church in the metropolis and providing aid to fellow believers in prison such as John Careless. After Elizabeth's accession he sought to further the cause of reform in a vartiety of ways. He provided the martyrologist John Foxe with letters of some hwo had died for the faith. Winthrop served as an officer of his own parish church and supported liturgical reforms. He was also actively engaged in supporting the Protestant stranger churches in London, raising funds for the Spanish and French congregations and serving as an elder of the Italian congregation. Winthrop was associated with John Field and other clergy who were identified as puritans and he used his financial resouces to guarantee the composition for first fruits of reform-minded clergymen in London and also in Stour Valley region along the Essex-Suffolk border where his relatives lived.



JENNINE HURL, 'She being bigg with child is likely to miscarry': Pregnant Victims Prosecuting Assault in Westminster 1685-1720 (pp. 18-33)

This paper studies recognizances to appear for assault at Westminster Quarter Sessions from 1685 to 1720. In this period, there were roughly 4000 of these recognizances representing women's complaints against an alleged assailant. Though these women may have been victims of violence, they were empowered by bringing their complaints before a justice of the peace. This seems tobe especially the case for pregnant women. The number of recognizances that mention the pregnancy of the victim - though small in comparison with the total - become significant in contrast to those that mention any other condition of the victim (such as age or infirmity) that would exaggerate the effects of the assault. London society in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century placed strong value on motherhood, and popular medical views advocated strict care and indulgence of the expectant mother. These attitudes are reflected in the language of the recognizances in this study. In their choice to record the extra information of the plaintiff's condition, the Westminster justices appear to have been heavily influenced by the veneration of maternity. Most significantly, however, these pregnant women seem to have taken advantage of their elevated status, volunteering the information of their pregnancy to increase their likelihood of gaining retribution.



MARC BRODIE, Artisans and Dossers: the 1886 West End Riots and the East End Casual Poor (pp. 34-50)

The political and social attitudes of the casually employed, unskilled, poor of nineteenth-century London - thought to be typified by the residents of the city's East End - have not been the subject of any particularly rigorous examination by historians. Support for populist Conservatism, combined with a 'pre-industrial' willingness to riot, have essentially been the responses ascribed to this group. The riots which shook the West End of London on 8 February, 1886, following a meeting of the unemployed called in support of trade protection, have been tekn as classic evidence for this. This paper argues that the riot was not the result of any simple tendency towards violence amongst the casual poor nor did the events of that day demonstrate a fundamental attraction of unskilled workers to protectionism. This incident in fact canbegin to suggest aspects of a complex political and social, and far less economically differentiated, relationship between London's 'casual poor' and its artisan class. The extent of extreme poverty and casualisation amongst manual workers in the East End has been greatly overstated by historians. The support given to causes such as protectionism by some of the poorest of workers also seems less likely to have resulted from their vulnerability to populaist rhetoric than from localised political socialisation processes which were fostered by their continuing relationship with representatives of the artisan class.



SIMON PARKER, From the Slums to the Suburbs: Labour Party Policy, the LCC and the Woodberry Down Estate, Stoke Newington 1934-1961 (pp. 51-69)

Using the example of the Woodberry Down estate in Stoke Newington, this article explores the often contradictory housing policy of the Labour-controlled London County Council (LCC) from the 1930s to the 1960s. The LCC's previous involvement in social housing is evaluated and the controversy surrounding the adoption of the flatted estate as the principal form of LCC accommodation in the capital is discussed. The early resistance by Stoke Newington Borough Council and local residents to the planned devlopment in the late 1930s, the modification and adaptation of the estate's design in the 1940s and 1950s, and Woodberry Down's distinctive social provision are dealt with in the account of the estate's history. The article then considers how successful the LCC was in establishing a genuine community among the residents and concludes by addressing the obstacles to social cohesion that London's economy and geography imposed.

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