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Ottonian Germany: The Chronicon of Thietmar
of Merseburg
David Warner
Manchester: Manchester
UP, 2001, ISBN 0 7190 4925 3 (hb)
Reviewed by:
Professor Benjamin Arnold
University of Reading
Thanks to the survival of four high quality
narratives from the tenth and eleventh centuries, Widukind of Corvey's
Rerum gestarum Saxonicarum, Thietmar of Merseberg's Chronicon,
Lampert of Hersfeld's Annales, and Adam of Bremen's Gesta
Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum, we know today much more about
the Saxon gens, the newcomer to the Frankish realm, than
of the other component peoples of the east Frankish kingdom which
became Germany: the Bavarians, Franconians, Lotharingians, and Swabians.
The works of Thietmar and Adam are also rich in information about
Scandinavia and about the western Slavs, that is, the Poles, the
Abodrites, the Liutizi, the Milzeni, and other Slavic socio-economic
groups who were beginning to adjust to Saxon political pressure,
or to resist it, and to the Christian missionary faith in the tenth
and eleventh centuries.
It has long been recognised that in his Chronicon,
Bishop Thietmar of Merseburg (1009-1018) was one of the more acute
observers of imperial politics in their relation to Italy, the papacy,
France, and the East; and of the internal state of Germany under
the contemporary emperors, Otto II (976-983), Otto III (983-1002),
and Henry II (1002-1024), the last of whom was a personal friend.
Thietmar was also a keen commentator on Saxon society, especially
in its rather violent confrontation with Slav neighbouring tribes,
a process in which he was personally involved as a Saxon aristocrat
and as a bishop of Merseburg. Much of his text is involved with
the spiritual and political life of the Reichskirke, the
imperial church. Thietmar himself exemplified the model of a young
nobleman trained for those ecclesiastical careers which were so
powerful in local and imperial politics; in many ways the bishops
and richer abbots were the mainstay of imperial rule in Germany
at this time. His percipience breaks through again and again in
the text, to reveal the personal inner and outer conflicts he suffered
as an inadequately spiritual pastor; as a servant of the crown which
had in fact done damage to his own see, suppressed for obscure reasons
in 981 and then restored in 1004; and as a proud member of a rich
Saxon dynasty with connexions into the highest society of Franconia
and Swabia as well.
Thietmar's concern for everything around him
that he could usefully observe and record renders him one of the
most interesting of all medieval chroniclers to read today. Not
only is he informative and instructive on what he ought to know
about, that is, imperial business, ecclesiastical politics, the
Saxon scene, and the view beyond, into the Slav, Scandinavian, and
Italian spheres, but he is also sensitive to manifestations that
make medieval life real to modern people: the piety of his contemporaries,
gossip about the women and men of his time, the shockingly violent
feuds amongst the members of the magnate class, judicial duels and
offhand homicides, extraordinary phenomena of a medical nature,
and so on. Once he was put in charge of the diocese of Merseburg
in 1009, there is a good deal of material about the running of his
priests and his episcopal lands, most of the time proving a great
trial to him. There is, for example, even a rising by the peasants
when a miscreant 'dared to attack and destroy one of my estates
with a servile mob' (p. 374).
Before delving further into the text, we should
consider what Professor Warner offers us in this successful and
well-produced translation. It matches other good volumes in the
Manchester Medieval Sources Series such as Timothy Reuter's The
Annals of Fulda (1992). Warner's introduction is quite long,
sixty-four pages, and helpfully expounds themes so prominent in
Thietmar's text: Ottonian government and society; the office of
the emperor and the imperial church; kingship, politics, and the
sometimes disruptive effects of royal power; and Thietmar's life
and career. Warner also writes about Thietmar's awareness of social
distinctions and of the political role of women in his time.
Taken with Karl Leyser's Rule and Conflict
in an early Medieval Society. Ottonian Saxony (1979),
Timothy Reuter's Germany in the Early Middle Ages c. 800-1056
(1991) parts 2 and 3, and Boyd Hill Jr's Medieval Monarchy in
Action. The German Empire from Henry I to Henry IV (1972) pp.
17-59, Professor Warner's 'Introduction: Thietmar, Bishop and Chronicler'
provides a thoroughly useful survey of the Ottonian era (919-1024)
in German history. In the translation, the frequent footnotes are
extremely helpful. For example, long passages of the Annals of Quedlinburg
are quoted where they run parallel to and flesh out Thietmar's own
text. We also get Gallus Anonymous' twelfth-century version (pp.
184-85, note 131) of what was supposed to have happened in Poland
during the visit of Emperor Otto III in the year 1000. And there
are other examples such as citations from the letters of Brun of
Querfort. The genealogical tables, maps, bibliography, and index
provide what one would expect from a translated text done to high
standards.
One benefit of such translations is that they
assist in opening our ear to the thought-world of medieval times.
For instance, Thietmar reports (p. 170) a monstrous birth that was
supposed to have occurred in southern Germany in 994 or 995. The
infant had the appearance of a goose from the waist down, and was
deformed in various ways in the upper part of its body. The creature
was baptised, and died four days later. We are told that 'because
of our misdeeds, this monster brought a great pestilence'. In this
manifestation and in other events, Thietmar shared a common belief
in celestial signs portending misfortune. Many times in his text
he reports dreams, visions, and daylight apparitions experienced
by important persons, secular and ecclesiastical, which indicated
to them the proper courses of action to be taken forthwith, or were
in other ways minatory. He also believed that animals might be sent
by divine direction to punish humans for their misdeeds. So we need
to ask whether educated churchmen such as Thietmar were superstitious,
or merely reflected the usual mental modes of the tenth and eleventh
centuries.
As a writer, Thietmar exhibited a flair, probably
unconscious, for set pieces, dramatic interludes which function
more or less as fine stories detached from the main flow of the
text. For example, he introduces Ch. 23 of Book II (pp. 108-09)
with 'Although I may rightly be blamed for disturbing the order
of events, it will be useful to add here an account of how .' and
then the author goes on to tell an extraordinary tale of how Archbishop
Brun of Cologne, Otto the Great's brother, was misled into a plot
to hand back Lotharingia to the French, a foolish plan scotched
in the nick of time by the archbishop's sagacious secretary. The
explanation for this story remains lost. Another good example is
the account of the battle in 982 against the Arabs in Calabria,
a disaster from which Otto II barely escaped by the sea (pp. 143-46).
This thrilling episode has already been translated by Boyd Hill
Jr. in his Medieval Monarchy in Action (pp. 169-72). Another
is the story of how Archbishop Adalbert of Magdeburg and Duke Hermann
Billung of Saxony temporarily fell out of favour with the emperor
because the archbishop had received the duke with royal honours
at Magdeburg (pp. 112-13). It was Thietmar's maternal grandfather,
Count Henry of Stade, who was so shocked that he travelled to Rome
to report the pair to Otto the Great. Then there was the trial by
combat in 979 when, according to Thietmar, Count Gero of Alsleben
was wrongfully done to death after failing to be able to fight the
combat to the finish (pp. 133-34). Emperor Otto II was legally in
the right to have him executed, but was upbraided for it by his
counsellors, Duke Otto of Bavaria and Count Berthold of Schweinfurth.
Not surprisingly, Thietmar took a professional
interest in condemning the pagan superstitions of his Slav neighbours.
One of the best pieces concerns the Redarii and the Liutizi (pp.
252-54): 'Although I shudder to say anything about them, nevertheless,
in order that you, dear reader, may better understand the vain superstitions
and meaningless worship of this people, I will briefly explain who
they are and from whence they have come'. So we hear about their
holy forest, their castle-temple of Riedegost with its decorations
and idols, the habits of their priesthood, the nature of the sacrifices
and the casting of lots, and so on. Such ethnographic information
is very valuable because Slavic religious custom of this nature
was to die out by the twelfth century.
Thietmar took good care to defend the status
of bishop throughout his text. He thought it right that the emperors
'who, after the model of the Lord, exceed all other mortals through
the glory of the benediction and crown' (p. 87) should govern the
bishops in the pre-Gregorian mode and protect their interests from
exploitation by counts, margraves and dukes, so many of whom come
up as a bad lot throughout the Chronicon. Probably this is why Thietmar
interpolated the vita of a favourite holy bishop, Ansfrid of Utrecht
(pp. 174-78) who reigned from 995-1010. He put up bird-tables in
the winter. But then our author, ever quirky, almost left out his
own kinsman, Brun of Querfort. Brun, a good friend of Otto III and
Henry II, was a missionary bishop martyred in Prussia, his story
nearly 'omitted owing to my forgetfulness' (p. 299). We then get
a short account of Brun's education, his consecration as bishop,
and execution in 1009. The significance of Brun's life and work
is now highlighted by Ian Wood in his new The Missionary Life.
Saints and the Evangelisation of Europe 400-1050 (2001) pp.
226-44.
Although Thietmar was only a bit over forty
when he died, his humble sense of personal failure recurs more often
as the text progresses; 'In regard to my misdeeds, I am a wretch.
In terms of my abilities, I am a pauper. In either case, however,
I am far worse than all men of my order' (p. 377). He claimed to
be 'Impeded by that pest, lethargy' (p. 378) but we can only perceive
this in comparison with the shining Reichsbischöfe of the previous
generations, Ulrich of Augsburg and Brun of Cologne, Wolfgang of
Regensburg and Egbert of Trier, and so on. Thietmar was perceptive
about the growing religious sensibilities of his time, which would
culminate in the Age of Reform (1046-1216) and in the new religious
orders. In his generosity he was always looking to his own people.
In the last year of his life, he recorded that 'In those days, seven
serfs of my diocese ate poisoned mushrooms and quickly died from
a burning fever' (p. 381), a grim reminder to all countryfolk.
Since Professor Warner's translation of the
Chronicon, and the attendant apparatus, are so successful in
bringing out the richness of Thietmar's talent, it would be a great
service if he could be persuaded to turn Widukind of Corvey and
Lampert of Hersfeld into English as well.
February 2002
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